Safeguarding sovereignty: Why Myanmar must embrace decisive diplomacy
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Phyo Lin Aung (NP News)-Feb 23
In today’s world, countries often have to rely on a flexible and accommodating approach in their interactions with one another. However, such flexibility can sometimes cause problems, such as reputational damage, internal interference, and even violations of sovereignty. Therefore, in situations where national interests are at stake, decisive diplomacy becomes indispensable. Defined as proactive, swift, and authoritative negotiation, decisive diplomacy enables modern nations to navigate an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, where inaction or delayed responses can result in significant losses in national security or the economy.
Against this backdrop, Myanmar has recently faced what it perceives as diplomatic disrespect from a tiny country to which it had extended considerable concessions and understanding. This country is Timor-Leste, which became a member of ASEAN the other day. East Timor has been trying to become a member of ASEAN since 2011. Since it gained independence in 2002, ASEAN did not immediately accept them, but monitored them for 11 years and only granted them observer status in 2022. For Timor-Leste to become a full member of ASEAN, it must be unanimously accepted by the current member states.
Timor-Leste has been a country that has officially recognized the NUG government since Myanmar’s 2021 state of emergency. As a consequence, the Myanmar government once expelled the Timor-Leste embassy from Myanmar in 2023. Due to this intervention, Timor-Leste needs to gain Myanmar’s support to become a member of ASEAN.
In 2025, the Timorese government changed its tune. The Timorese Foreign Minister visited Nay Pyi Taw and discussed cooperation with the Myanmar government. In addition, the Timorese government repeatedly pledged, both in writing and verbally, to respect the principles of the ASEAN Charter, including non-interference in internal affairs. After reviewing its original position on Timor-Leste’s ASEAN membership, Myanmar agreed to proceed with the ASEAN membership process with the consensus of ASEAN. However, Timor-Leste has not fulfilled its commitments and obligations, and on January 14, the Timorese President reportedly met with representatives of the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO), which had filed a lawsuit against some members of the Myanmar Armed Forces.
In response, Myanmar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned the Timor-Leste Chargé d’Affaires ai in Yangon on 16 January 2026, conveyed strong condemnation, and handed over an Aide-Memoire warning that further measures could follow if necessary. Shortly thereafter, on 18 January 2026, the Ministry issued an official statement describing the engagement as inconsistent with ASEAN’s long-standing principles and practices.
Moreover, during the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Retreat held on 29 January 2026 in Cebu, Philippines, Myanmar reiterated its concerns directly to Timor-Leste’s Foreign Minister, who reportedly promised to provide formal clarification. Yet, while awaiting this response, Myanmar learned through media reports that Timor-Leste had accepted a case submitted by CHRO and appointed a senior prosecutor to examine it, an unprecedented step among ASEAN member states. This development, according to Myanmar’s perspective, risks setting a negative precedent and escalating public resentment, thereby undermining bilateral relations.
As repeatedly pointed out before, such unconstructive activities and negative approaches toward Myanmar initiated by the President of Timor-Leste is a blatant violation of the fundamental principles enshrined in the ASEAN Charter particularly Articles 2(2)(a), 2(2)(e) and 2(2)(k) which underscore the importance of upholding respect for sovereignty and non-interference as well as abstention from participation in any policy or activity, including the use of its territory, pursued by any ASEAN Member State or non-ASEAN State or any non-State actor, which threatens the sovereignty, territorial integrity or political and economic stability of ASEAN Member States.
Despite good relations between the governments of Myanmar and Timor-Leste, the Timor-Leste President frequently interferes in Myanmar's internal affairs, prompting the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to summon the acting charge d'affaires of the Timor-Leste Embassy in Yangon on February 13 and instruct him to leave Myanmar permanently by February 20 in accordance with the Vienna Convention. It also warned that if Timor-Leste did not change its stance towards Myanmar, more severe measures would be taken.
In fact, this kind of decisive diplomatic response has actually been needed since the beginning. Timor’s actions are damaging Myanmar's reputation. Moreover, Timor-Leste's dealings with organizations that are fighting against the Myanmar government constitute interference in Myanmar's internal affairs. Therefore, Myanmar has long needed this kind of firm and decisive diplomatic approach.
Furthermore, according to a report published in early 2025 by Northeast News, the Bangladesh Army was to lead US-backed clandestine operations in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. The report stated that at least three divisions of the Bangladesh Army would be involved in providing supplies, logistics, and other tactical support to a coalition of forces, including the Arakan Army (AA) and the Chin National Front (CNF), as part of a broader US plan to confront the Myanmar Tatmadaw in Rakhine State and beyond. Although such reports remain contested, they have fueled concerns in Myanmar about cross-border involvement.
In addition, on April 27, 2025, Bangladesh’s Islamist political party, Jamaat-e-Islami, held a “party-to-party” meeting with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), during which it proposed the formation of an independent Arakan State within Myanmar. The establishment of an independent Arakan State within Myanmar may be a potential solution to the refugee crisis of Bangladesh. This is because it would provide a permanent and dignified solution for the more than 1.2 million Bengali refugees currently living in overcrowded and under-resourced camps in Bangladesh.
From this perspective, Myanmar’s neighboring country appears to be taking advantage of instability in the western part of Myanmar by attempting to assimilate fellow Bengalis as Myanmar citizens and by supporting armed groups such as the AA that are fighting against the Myanmar government. At that time, the Myanmar government did not respond effectively through diplomatic channels. Consequently, Bangladesh has continued to seek opportunities that could be seen as violating Myanmar's sovereignty.
Similarly, within ASEAN, there were instances in which the Five-Point Consensus – initially presented as mere suggestions by the ASEAN Chair–was adopted without following ASEAN's standard procedures with Myanmar, and was later attached to the Chairman's statement as a collective agreement of all members, and subsequently imposed on Myanmar. Although Myanmar stated that it had no intention of violating the points agreed in principle, imposing rules and regulations and compelling compliance can be regarded as interference in a country’s internal affairs.
The latest intervention concerns skepticism toward the elections planned for Myanmar's democratic transition. Criticism and refusal to support these elections can also be interpreted as attempts to interfere in and undermine Myanmar's internal developments. Therefore, Myanmar should respond to such actions with clarity and firmness rather than relying solely on patience and negotiation.
In conclusion, the accumulation of these incidents underscores the growing necessity for Myanmar to adopt a decisive diplomatic posture. While flexibility and patience are valuable tools in international relations, they must not come at the expense of sovereignty, national dignity, or political stability. –